A growing body of research suggests that follower perceptions of ethical leadership are associated with beneficial follower outcomes. However, some empirical researchers have found contradictory results. In this study, we use social learning and social exchange theories to test the relationship between ethical leadership and follower work outcomes. Our results suggest that ethical leadership is related positively to numerous follower outcomes such as perceptions of leader interactional fairness and follower ethical behavior. Furthermore, we explore how ethical leadership relates to and (...) is different from other leadership styles such as transformational and transactional leadership. Results suggest that ethical leadership is positively associated with transformational leadership and the contingent reward dimension of transactional leadership. With respect to the moderators, our results show mixed evidence for publication bias. Finally, geographical locations of study samples moderated some of the relationships between ethical leadership and follower outcomes, and employee samples from public sector organizations showed stronger mean corrected correlations for ethical leadership–follower outcome relationships. (shrink)

This paper investigates the concept of behavioral integrity from three important foci in organizational settings: i.e., leader, organization, and follower. Drawing from theories of behavioral integrity, social learning, and social identity, we examine the effects of leader and organizational behavioral integrity on follower behavioral integrity and organizational citizenship behavior via follower identification with leader and with organization, respectively. To test our hypotheses, we used data from three studies. Studies 1 and 2 were online experiments in which behavioral integrity was manipulated (...) in written scenarios to explore the proposed causal relationships. Study 3 was a multisource field study that tested a mediation model using matched data collected from 280 employees and their co-workers from a Fire and Rescue Service in the United Kingdom. The findings provide partial support for our hypothesized model and highlight the importance of examining multiple foci of behavioral integrity as well as the role of follower identification as key mediating mechanisms of the relationship between leader and organizational behavioral integrity and follower behavioral outcomes. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. (shrink)

It has been thought that statements in ordinary language or in philosophicalscientific language capture reality from different sides. But this process, which is typically considered to be a mere linguistic process, can cause us to think (incorrectly) that we make subjective categorizations. In this paper we assert that understanding which is considered to be incorrect must be cancelled and that the individuated objects cannot be individuated only becouse of our naming of them. Individuation of objects is an independent state of (...) affairs. So it must be accepted that the particular, individual entities have their individual characteristics independently and also a different ontological theory based on that understanding must be satisfied. (shrink)

Analitik felsefe özellikle metafizik karşıtı bir yaklaşım içerisinde olmakla nitelendirilmiştir. Ancak 20.yüzyılda bu gelenekte önemli dönüşümler yaşanmıştır. Dile dönüş ile başlayan tartışmalar sonrasında metafiziğe dönüşü ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bugün açık bir biçimde analitik metafizik ya da ontolojilerden söz edilebilmektedir. Elbette farklı ontolojiler farklı varolanlar ve farklı kategorileştirmeleri merkezlerine koymaktadırlar. 20. yüzyılın başında değişimin ne olduğu konusunda ortaya konan görüşler de çağdaş ontoloji tartışmalarında değişim konusunun ayrı bir başlık olarak ele alınabilmesi için bir zemin yaratmıştır. Farklı felsefi yaklaşım içerisinde olmalarına rağmen McTaggart (...) ve Russell benzer bir felsefe yapma tarzı içerisindedirler. Bu kısmi benzerlik Geach’in her iki düşünürün değişim konusundaki yaklaşımlarını tek bir başlık altında, aynı şekilde değerlendirmesine yol açmıştır. Geach bu filozofların değişim tanımlarını her iki filozofun da Cambridge Üniversitesinde olmalarından kaynaklı Cambridge Değişimi olarak adlandırmış ve görüşlerini eleştirmiştir. Geach Cambridge Değişiminin gerçek değişimleri gölgede bıraktığını, tüm değişimleri aynılaştırdığını iddia etmektedir. Bu yazıda Geach’in eleştirisinin haklı olmadığı, kendi önerisinin başka bazı öncüllere gerek duyduğu üzerinden gösterilmeye çalışılmaktadır. Geach gerçek değişimleri nesnede bir farklılık yaratan değişimler olarak tanımlamaktadır. Ancak bu tanım şu soruyu sormamızı gerektirir: Dilde özne yerindeki terimin gönderimi durumundaki nesne nedir? Nasıl bireyleşir ve bireyleşiminde hangi ontolojik varolanlar etkilidir? Bu sorular analitik metafizikte nesne kuramlarının ele alınmasını gerektirir. Dayanak ve Demet kuramlarının ele alınmasıyla ontolojik olarak özelliklerin önemi ortaya çıkmaktadır ancak bu Geach’in iddiasının yerinde olmadığını açık kılmaktadır. Bir nesne tartışması yapmadan bir değişim tartışması ve ona bağlı olarak özelliklerin derecelendirilmesinden söz edilemez. (shrink)

The conventional interpretation of equality under the law singles out certain groups or classes for constitutional protection: women, racial minorities, and gays and lesbians. The United States Supreme Court calls these groups 'suspect classes'. Laws that discriminate against them are generally unconstitutional. While this is a familiar account of equal protection jurisprudence, this book argues that this approach suffers from hitherto unnoticed normative and political problems. The book elucidates a competing, extant interpretation of equal protection jurisprudence that avoids these problems. (...) The interpretation is not concerned with suspect classes but rather with the kinds of reasons that are already inadmissible as a matter of constitutional law. This alternative approach treats the equal protection clause like any other limit on governmental power, thus allowing the Court to invalidate equality-infringing laws and policies by focusing on their justification rather than the identity group they discriminate against. (shrink)

After years of progress in terms of gender and sexual rights, since 2012 Europe is facing a so-called gender backlash – opposition directed to issues related to reproductive policies and abortion, violence against women, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) rights and gay marriages, gender mainstreaming and sex education at schools as well as antidiscrimination policies. In this article, firstly, by taking the anti-gender developments as point of reference, I examine the emergence of anti-gender movement in Europe via (...) the use of what I call troll science. Troll science is based on (distorted) scientific arguments moulded into populist discourse, creating an alternative narrative on the conceptions of gender equality. Similar to troll accounts posting provocative, superfluous and even off-topic messages on social media to start arguments and quarrels aiming to distract, troll science, I argue, creates an alternative narrative opposing the scientific facts and discourses (i.e. climate change, evolution, vaccination and gender theory). Later, I discuss the emerging conservative troll-scientific discourses and the gendered public normative order of Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP; Justice and Development Party) government, under the New Turkey. I previously argued that New Turkey and the society under the party’s rule perpetuated by a new set of standards create an alternative narrative on the conceptions of gender equality through troll-science narratives. I concluded by showing how such ideological discourses help create emotional echo chambers – enabling its fast distribution and acceptance by the ideologically conservative groups. Contribution: This paper contributes to the Special Collection Gender Justice, Health and Human Development with the theory of troll-science it introduces to discuss the alternative and anti-gender scientific discourse that is dominating academia. (shrink)

Kur’an’ın kendine has birbiriyle irtibatlı kelimeler dünyası bulunmakta-dır. Doğru bir Allah tasavvuru, Allah-âlem, Allah-kul, âlem-kul ilişkisinin nasıl olması gerektiği bu kelime dünyası tarafından anlatılmaktadır. Bu nok-tada Kur’an’da herhangi bir konu anlatılırken aralarında sıkı irtibat olan kelime grupları kullanılmıştır. Örneğin Allah Kur’ân’da kendisini, Rakîb, Alîm, Basîr, Habîr, Latîf vb. lafızlarla insanın idrakine yansıtmakta ve böylece doğru bir Allah Tasavvuru oluşmasını amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışmada, öncelikle ra-ka-be /رقب kökünün etimolojisi üzerinde durulacaktır. Zira bir kelimenin dildeki asli anlamı ve türevleriyle beraber sonradan kazandığı anlamların (...) tespiti, ilgili kelimenin anlam sahasını keşfetme ile mümkündür. Akabinde bu kökün türevlerinden “Rakîb” kelimesi ile anlam ilişkisi olan ve Yüce Allah’ın Kur’ân’da kendisine nispet ettiği sıfatlarından, Alîm, Basîr, Habîr, Şehîd kelimeler tahlil edilecektir. Bu bağlamda doğrudan olmasa da dolaylı olarak Allah’ın görmesini ve gözetlemesini ifade eden kelimelere ve ilgili âyetlere yer verilecektir. Böylece ra-ka-be kökünün Kur’an siyakındaki anlam sahası ortaya konulmuş olacaktır. (shrink)

Contributed articles on the life, works and philosophy of Guru Nanak, 1469-1538, 1st Sikh guru.

Rights -- Justification in theory -- Justification in practice.

Our main goal in this article is to discuss the structural and persistent problems experienced by women academics, especially with respect to the gendered divisions of academic tasks and unequal divisions of care obligations in the domestic sphere. The analysis is based on reflexive thematic analysis of the open-ended questions of an online questionnaire on the academic work environment, work satisfaction, stress, academic duties and allocation of tasks, and thoughts on gender equality. Academics from different countries voice their lived experiences, (...) frustrations as well as worries about their future. We aim to highlight how these issues are embedded in the structures of academic capitalism and argue against the tendency to individualise these issues in a bid to inspire an informed collective resistance. (shrink)

This article focuses on the resurgence of women’s movements in Turkey and Norway against the backdrop of their historical trajectories and wider gender policies. Throughout the 2010s, both countries witnessed a similar set of conservative and neoliberal policies that intervened in women’s bodily rights. In both countries, women’s movements responded with mass mobilizations and influenced the political agenda. The proposed restrictions on abortion were interpreted as a restriction on women’s basic bodily rights in both countries. This article argues that a (...) feminist, multidimensional reconceptualization of the concept of citizenship and a definition of abortion as an element of women’s bodily citizenship rights are useful to promote a strong and encompassing argument for mobilization. The comparative analysis shows that the right to control one’s own body has been a unifying issue for women’s movements in Turkey and Norway which are gradually becoming more inclusive. (shrink)

Should a liberal constitution constrain the racially discriminatory actions of state as well as nonstate employers? This essay answers in the affirmative, arguing that once we take seriously the right to nondiscrimination on the basis of race in terms of employment, we realize that such a constitution must constrain the actions of both. In doing so, this essay draws from John Rawls’s four-stage sequence, a sequence that suggests one way philosophical principles translate into constitutional design. A Theory of Justice is (...) the go-to theory for a wide range of political issues from a perspective of liberal theory, but scholars have paid less attention to it and comparative constitutional law. I take up this neglected inquiry by focusing on the distinction between the horizontal and vertical effect of a right not to be discriminated against on the basis of race in matters of employment. My analysis draws from the United States Constitution and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. A vertical effect constrains state power: a right to nondiscrimination is violated only when a state or public body discriminates on the basis of race. A horizontal effect constrains nonstate actors: a private employer may violate rights by discriminating on the basis of race. I argue that, in line with the South African Constitution, Rawls importantly adopts a horizontal effect of the right not to be discriminated against on the basis of race by ensuring formal equality of opportunity. His theory of justice suggests that a liberal constitution ought to constrain the racially discriminatory actions of both state and nonstate employers. This, in turn, represents an important response to racism that occurs in the private sphere. (shrink)

Ömer Naci Soykan'ın ülkemizde yayımlanan armağan kitaplar konusunda eleştirel bir yaklaşımı vardı. Bu eleştiri, armağan kitapların büyük çoğunluğunun "armağan" edildikleri düşünür ya da filozofla ilgili neredeyse hiçbir ciddi çalışmayı içermemesiyle ilgiliydi. Ona göre bir armağan kitabın öncelikli amacı "armağan" edildiği kişinin felsefi görüşlerine yer vermek olmalıydı. Dolayısıyla Soykan hayattayken kendisiyle ilgili bir armağan kitap çıkarmayı düşündüğümüzü dile getirdiğimizde ilk sözü "İçinde benim düşüncelerimle ilgili yazılar olacaksa olsun, yoksa istemiyorum!" olmuştu. "Sağdan soldan toplama yazılarla, tematik bütünlüğü olmayan yazıların art arda getirilmesiyle (...) oluşturulmuş bir armağan kitap olmaz. Armağan kitap, (bir "Festschrift") öncelikle o kişiyle, o kişinin düşünceleriyle ilgili yazılardan oluşması gerekir" diye de eklemişti. Bu kitabın gecikmesinin bir başka nedeni belki de Soykan'ın bu kadar açık biçimde dile getirdiği bu sözlerdi çünkü eleştirdiği türde bir armağan kitap hazırlamak görece kolay olabilirdi. Geç oldu ancak olması gereken gibi oldu! Kitaptaki her yazarın katkısı Soykan'ın görüşleri üzerine, onları açımlayan, değerlendiren, belki yer yer de eleştiren değerli çalışmalar olarak ortaya çıktı. Böylelikle onun isteğini de bir bakıma yerine getirmiş olduk. (shrink)

Central to the freedom of association is the freedom to exclude. In fact, American constitutional law permits associations to discriminate on otherwise prohibited grounds, a principle of expressive discrimination or what I call "expressive exclusion." However, we lack a complete normative defense of it. Too often, expressive exclusion is justifi ed as a simple case of religious accommodation, or a simple case of freedom of association or speech—justifi cations that are defi cient. I argue that expressive exclusion is essential in (...) creating genuine space for democratic dissent. It stands at the intersection of speech, association, and democracy. (shrink)

Central to the freedom of association is the freedom to exclude. In fact, American constitutional law permits associations to discriminate on otherwise prohibited grounds, a principle of expressive discrimination or what I call "expressive exclusion." However, we lack a complete normative defense of it. Too often, expressive exclusion is justifi ed as a simple case of religious accommodation, or a simple case of freedom of association or speech—justifi cations that are defi cient. I argue that expressive exclusion is essential in (...) creating genuine space for democratic dissent. It stands at the intersection of speech, association, and democracy. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Because of the irresolvable disagreement between the Federalists and Anti-Federalists, the U.S. Constitution both embodies value pluralism and has encouraged it ever since its adoption. Rather than ignoring the nation-centered, dynamic ideas of the Federalists or the state-centered, static ideas of the Anti-Federalists, the Constitution incorporated both views, giving rise to plentiful opportunities for interpretive disagreements that have not, however, stood in the way of the interpreters’ shared commitment to the document itself. In this respect, the Constitution and constitutional (...) law model the politics of pluralism. (shrink)

In a sex selective abortion, a woman aborts a fetus simply on account of the fetus’ sex. Her motivation or underlying reason for doing so may very well be sexist. She could be disposed to thinking that a female child is inferior to a male one. In a hate crime, an individual commits a crime on account of a victim’s sex, race, sexual orientation or the like. The individual may be sexist or racist in picking his victim. He or she (...) could be disposed to thinking that one race or sex is inferior to another. I argue that while a prohibition on sex selective abortions is anomalous in a liberal, criminal legal framework, hate crime legislation may not be. The former but not the latter constitutes a thought crime. I define a thought crime as one where an agent’s motivation is not just relevant but sufficient to take an act from the domain of the non-punishable to the domain of the punishable. Ignoring a woman’s sexist motivation in procuring an abortion suddenly renders her act of abortion legal. On the other hand, discounting an agent’s bias in committing a hate motivated assault or murder does not transform the act from a punishable one to a non-punishable one. Assaulting or murdering is already a crime. (shrink)